











^cr 



"oV" 






f. <*^ A* /, 



















*-*0* 



















4 o 



\* 











VV 







•H 



,* v 



V-CV 






r oV 




'* 



^C 



<>' 






••» \/ ^jfe \/ 







>--v\. 










ADDRESSES 



AT THE 



BANQUET TENDERED TO 



His Excellency CALVIN COOLIDGE 

GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS 



IN HONOR OF HIS NOMINATION 

FOR VICE-PRESIDENT 



AT 

HOTEL SOMERSET, BOSTON 

AUGUST 12, 1920 

BY THE 

Republican Club of Massachusetts 




HIS EXCELLENCY CALVIN COOLIDGE 
Governor of **"» Pr.n 1 nin r |¥"' glf k of Massachusetts 



Copy_ 






INTRODUCTORY REMARKS BY HON. GEORGE H. ELLIS 

President of The Republican Club of Massachusetts 



On behalf of the Republican Club 
of Massachusetts, I welcome you here 
this evening. This banquet was 
planned to give expression to our sat- 
isfaction with the honor done Massa- 
chusetts in the nomination of Vice 
President and to pay our tribute to the 
nominee. 

I wish especially to welcome the wo- 
men to the first meeting of the Club 
which I think they have ever attended. 
I do this the more willingly, and the 
more warmly because for seven years 
in the Massachusetts Legislature I con- 
sistently, perhaps you would say per- 
sistently, opposed woman suffrage. It 
is now practically with us and I join 
hands heartilv with vou to make it a 



At the opening of the Massachusetts 
Legislature of 1914 the President of 
the Senate struck a note new to the pol- 
itics of this generation, but that note 
has since been so often struck that 
it has become familiar the country 
over. 

This Club was first to publicly pro- 
pose the man who struck that note for 
nomination for President, but this was 
not to be. 

We have with us this evening the 
man who nominated him for Vice-Pres- 
ident and I am going to ask him to tell 
us why Oregon stretched hands across 
the continent to join with us, and as by 
general acclamation with the whole 
country, in nominating Calvin Cool- 
idge. 



ADDRESS BY HON. WALLACE MCCAMANT 

Of Portland, Oregon 



Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the 
Republican Club of Massachusetts: 

Since I reached your city yesterday 
morning the evidences of your good 
will have been overwhelming. It is 
pleasant to be a shining lighl for a few 
days. I am mindful thai I shine with 
a reflected Light. 1 am a planet, nut 
a fixed star, but I am a planet in a 
Solar system whose sun is a star of the 

first magnitude. 

I am greatly in your debt for the 
courteous invitation to meet with vou 



this evening, for the generous welcome 
you have given me and for your cor- 
dial hospitality. I wish I could make 
you know the pleasure I feci in being 
with you and in having a part in this 
auspicious occasion. 

I have come a long way to tell you 
of the honor in which your great Gov- 
ernor is held where rolls the Oregon. 

Our presentation of his name at the 
republican national convention was 
spontaneous. The subject had not been 
discussed bv the members of our dele- 



gation nor was it in our thoughts until 
the moment when we acted. It is nev- 
ertheless true that our action was rep- 
resentative of the overwhelming sent- 
iment of our people and that action has 
been enthusiastically approved in all 
parts of our commonwealth. 

Governor Coolidge has never set foot 
in Oregon. He is personally acquainted 
with only a handful of our people. 
No member of the Oregon delegation 
to the national convention had ever met 
him. What then is the secret of his 
great popularity in a state so remote 
from the region in which he has lived 
and wrought? 

The characteristics of every commun- 
ity are indelibly written upon it by its 
early settlers. A tide of later immigra- 
tion has submerged the founders of 
Boston, Philadelphia and New Orleans. 
The descendants of the Puritans are 
now a minority of the population of 
Boston; the Quakers who came with 
William Penn have long since ceased 
to be the dominant ethnic strain in the 
population of Philadelphia; the French 
and their descendants are largely out- 
numbered in New Orleans. Yet so long 
as these cities endure, they will bear 
the stamp of the Puritan, the Quaker 
and the Creole. The thought of the 
people of each city will continue to run 
along lines mapped out for them by 
generations which have passed away. 

This principle has a pertinent appli- 
cation to the people of Oregon. We 
are but one generation removed from 
the founders of our state. The spirit 
of our founders is powerful in Oregon. 
Their ideals are a well recognized 
force. 

Our state was peopled by men and 
women who trekked in ox-teams two 
thousand miles across the plains. They 



were not gold - seekers but home- 
builders. Their immigration is unique 
in human history. Other regions have 
been settled by the gradual extension 
of the farming territory. But when 
Oregon was settled there was no stop- 
ping place from the Missouri River to 
the Willamette Valley. No weakling 
ever made that journey. Nor did the 
hardships of the settlers cease when 
they reached their destination. The 
soil was fertile and the country was 
beautiful to the eye, but it was re- 
mote from the marts of industry. There 
were no comforts save such as the pio- 
neers themselves could create. The 
forests were inhabited by wild beasts 
and the savage Indian was an insistent 
problem. The men and women who 
came to Oregon before the days of rail- 
roads were and had to be forceful, cap- 
able, self-reliant and courageous. In 
such a population the manly virtues are 
highly esteemed. This was true in pio- 
neer times and it is still true. Our 
people are quick to sense and ready to 
admire a real man. 

When the wires flashed across the 
continent Governor Coolidge's ringing 
message at the time of the policemen's 
strike, his words struck a responsive 
chord in the breast of every typical 
Oregonian. The word passed from 
man to man that Massachusetts had a 
leader who was true to the best tra- 
ditions of the old historic common- 
wealth, one quick to see his duty and 
ready to hew to the line though the 
heavens should fall. 

We are quite familiar with the type 
of politician whose ear is to the ground. 
We have men among us who obey the 
behests of the labor unions, be they 
right or wrong. But we like to see in 
places of power leaders rather than fol- 



lowers, thinkers rather than imitators. 
Nowhere in the union was Governor 
Coolidge's manful course more emphat- 
ically approved than in the good state 
of Oregon. 

Moreover our people are thorough 
Americans. The frontier has been the 
melting pot in which throughout our 
history provincialism has been fused 
into nationalism. The first love of the 
frontiersman has always been for flag 
and country. 

The Oregon country became a part 
of the union not through the diplomatic 
activities of the State Department, but 
through the fortitude and determination 
of real Americans who took actual pos- 
session. 

Let there be light in the western wilds 
The spirit of progress said, 
And thousands followed the devious paths 
Where the sturdy woodsmen led. 

They crossed the mountains beetling crags 
And the deserts brown and bare 
And on the shores of that western main 
They planted the old flag there. 

As the blue of the sky and the blue of the wave 
Mingle and blend in the sea, 
It mingled its colors with those of the wave 
To herald the march of the free. 

And the echoing thud of the woodsman's axe 
And the roar of his trusty gun 
Told in a voice that woke up the woods 
that western land was won. 

The descendants and the successors 
of the men who won that great domain 
for our country are loyal to flag and to 
constitution. Nowhere is there more 
sterling devotion to the best ideals of 
American citizenship or more whole- 
hearted veneration for our heroic past 
than in the valleys of the Wallowa, the 
Umatilla, the Umpqua and the Willa- 
mette. 

It was not an accident that Oregon 
led the union in volunteer enlistments 

5 



at the outbreak of the world-war. That 
splendid spirit of consecration in which 
our young manhood sprang to the de- 
fence of imperilled civilization was but 
the fruition of the history and life of 
our peojole. 

Our war governor, the late James 
Withycombe, was the peer of aii}^ chief 
executive in the union in his whole- 
hearted loyalty to the good cause. Like 
other parts of the union we have our 
incendiary elements, but the over- 
whelming sentiment of the people of 
Oregon regards this government which 
has come down to' us from the fathers 
as beyond all price. 

Our people realize that Governor 
Coolidge is a champion of the Amer- 
icanism to which we are attached; that 
he is no respecter of persons ; that he 
believes in the equality of all men be- 
fore the law and in the duty of all 
men to obey the law; that he regards 
the right of private property as one of 
the bulwarks of civilization; that the 
bill of rights engrafted on our federal 
constitution is in his opinion the richest 
political heritage which any people lias 
ever enjoyed. They know that in the 
great testing time through which we 
have passed, his record was one of 
unhesitating loyalty to the cause of in- 
ternational righteousness. The reading 
of his Flag Day proclamation of 1.919 
will make the heart beat faster in every 
American whose blood is red. Some of us 
who have read his magnificent speech 
delivered at Lynnfield, in September, 
191^, are willing to endow him with 
all of the power which under the con- 
stitution can be given to any American. 

It has been but a short time since 
the men of Britain, Prance and Amer- 
ica stood shoulder to shoulder on a com- 
mon battle line. They were united by 



a common danger and they wrought 
valiantly together for the preservation 
of civilization. Governor Coolidge is 
one of those who believe in perpetuat- 
ing the comradeship growing out of the 
heroic times through which we have 
passed. His attitude is one of hearty 
good-will for those who shared with us 
the danger, the burden and the deliv- 
erance. 

There is a saving grace in a repub- 
lic in the ability of the people to recog- 
nize their natural leaders. Such men 
as Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Abra- 
ham Lincoln and William McKinley 
have had a multitude of followers who 
could give no reason for the faith that 
was in them. Yet they trusted and sup- 
ported these leaders and thus made pos- 
sible their rich public service. 

Even so have the people of Oregon 
sensed the worth of Governor Coolidge. 
But few of our people have read his 
speeches. Yet they know that he is 
sound, true, brave and trustworthy. 

In the middle of the last century 
when Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd 
Garrison, John Greenleaf Whittier and 
Harriet Beecher Stowe attacked the in- 
stitution of human slavery, they voiced 
the conscience of Carver, Bradford and 
Winthrop. 

When the Oregon delegation at the 
republican national convention pro- 
posed the name of Calvin Coolidge, 
they spoke for a generation of clear 
thinking men and women who achieved 
great things for faith, for freedom and 
for civilization. They spoke particu- 
larly for a band of true-hearted Amer- 
icans who in May, 1843, at Champoeg, 
Oregon, established the first free gov- 
ernment on the Pacific. 

There is one more chapter to my 
story. In the state of Oregon there 



are many who yield fealty to the great 
party in whose name we are assembled 
tonight. They are the men and women 
of conscience and of character in our 
several communities. They know the 
story of republican achievement; 
slavery suppressed ; the union saved ; 
the homestead law and the mineral en- 
try law under which the unfilled prai- 
rie and the mountain waste have been 
converted into prosperous common- 
wealths ; the protective system which 
has made us industrially independent 
and which has bound together all parts 
of the republic by the strong ties of 
commercial intercourse; in the great 
world-war the most magnificent spec- 
tacle of self-effacing devotion to the 
cause and country ever exhibited by 
an opposition party in all the history 
of representative government. 

These men and women know that 
the republican party today is the cita- 
del of patriotism and the refuge of 
common sense. 

They are drawn to Governor Cool- 
idge because his devotion to the repub- 
lican party is a part of his religion, 
because he has been loyal and steadfast 
in his service of the party and because 
he is representative of its best thought 
and purpose. He was born and reared 
in the state which has been more 
staunch than any other in its support 
of republican candidates and republi- 
can principles, and he is leader of the 
party in this great commonwealth 
which has contributed so largely to its 
strength and its glory. 

Some of us are very weary with 
these self-serving politicians who have 
stolen the livery of the republican par- 
ty, but who have never accepted its 
creed; these men who vote the repub- 
lican ticket when they name the ticket, 



but not otherwise; these men who look 
only to their own emolument;, never to 
the success and welfare of the party. 
Leadership in the party belongs of 
right to those who are loyal through 
good report and ill. Honor is due only 
to the outward-looking, never to the 
self-centered. 

Our lot has fallen on times when 
nothing is taken for granted, when 
every dogma in politics, sociology, 
philosophy and religion is subject to at- 
tack ; when multitudes believe that 
whatever is, is wrong. Public opinion 
is more plastic and impressionable than 
at any other time since the fall of the 
Roman Empire. Yet the principles of 
the Declaration of Independence and 
of our federal constitution are true and 
sound today as they <were thirteen 
decades ago. Truth is eternal and the 
political principles of the founders of 
the republic are eternally true. These 
great documents are still the chart by 
which the ship of state should steer. 

"Back to the Constitution" is the 
battle-cry of the party in this cam- 



paign. The legislative and judicial 
branches of the government must not 
be overshadowed by the executive. 
The president must not be an autocrat, 
but the chief magistrate of a free peo- 
ple, approachable and amenable to sug- 
gestion and advice. 

It was the intent of the framers of 
the constitution that the Vice President 
should be a man of presidential calibre 
and that he should play a real part in 
the government of the country. One of 
the best things which Senator Harding 
has said since his nomination is that 
the Vice President shall be a member 
of the executive family, that he shall 
attend cabinet meetings and be an ad- 
viser of the President. 

Oregon rejoices with Massachusetts 
that our nominee for Vice President is 
w T orthy to lead our great party; that 
he is a man of full stature, qualified 
in all respects for the trust he will ad- 
minister after the tth of March ; Ore- 
gon gave him her ten votes in the con- 
vention and she will give him her five 
votes in the electoral college. 



ADDRESS BY FORMER GOVERNOR CHARLES S. WHITMAN 

Of Nezv York City 



Xot all of the principles, tenets or be- 
liefs of a great political party are con- 
tained or set forth in platforms, let- 
ters of acceptance or public speeches. 
The principles and purposes of a politi- 
cal organization are best read in the 
character of the men whom it supports, 
— in the persons of the candidates 
whom it presents for great public office. 

It is not my purpose tonight t<> dis- 
cuss the issues of the national cam- 
paign. I fancy that I can notice a 
sigh of relief at this announcement. 
Let us turn from a discussion of facts 



and figures to the consideration of the 
men whom the part}- to which we be- 
long has called to embody and repre- 
sent before the American people and 
before the world, all that Republican- 
ism, and in fad Americanism lias 
meant and means today. 

Foreign critics have sometimes found 
a difficulty in understanding the posi- 
tion and the place of the Republican 
Parly in tin- life "I' the Nation; a diffi- 
culty which has not confronted them in 
studying the history .and development 
of tin ■ Democratic l'artv. It seems 



strange to many that the Republican 
Party should be described, as it often 
has been, — sometimes truthfully and 
sometimes otherwise, as the conserva- 
tive party. While it has been true to 
a striking degree that its conspicuous 
leaders have been trained from their 
boyhood in a school which does not 
generally tend to develop conservatism, 
as the term is generally used. 

The life of a rail-splitter, studying 
by the light of a flaming pine-knot, 
fighting every inch of his way even for 
the necessities of life, for himself and 
his dependants, would not seem natural- 
ly to create in any one's mind a tend- 
ency to be reactionary or to regard 
place, property, position or power as 
inviolate or sacred. 

The training of the towpath and all 
the self sacrifice and self denial in- 
volved in the drudgery of boyhood's 
days, is not likely, it would seem, to 
create an overwhelming regard for con- 
ditions which give the children of the 
wealthy and the well-to-do, advantages 
impossible for the poor to obtain. 

I might continue to cite illustration 
after illustration to the effect that the 
great leaders of the party that is some- 
times derisively called by its opponents 
"the party of property" have been 
men who in themselves have repre- 
sented something of the simplicity of 
the son of Nancy Hanks and who have 
almost invariably represented in them- 
selves, not the wealth of America's 
splendid material resources, but our 
country's infinitely greater possession, 
her wealth of splendid manhood. 

God grant that the time may never 
pome when the Republican Party shall 
lack what has been styled as "character 
plus." Character plus a strong belief 



in American institutions and in the 
faith of our fathers. 

We are particularly fortunate today 
in our standard bearers. Men whose 
lives, whose thoughts and whose minds 
are cast in a mould that has produced 
our greatest statesmen, — our most use- 
ful public servants. 

I read with much interest Senator 
Harding's recent statement — "You 
know I am no genius" — those words 
have something of Lincoln in them. 
How like "I do not claim to have con- 
trolled events." He is not a genius he 
says, but he has made his own way 
from the position of humblest employ- 
ment as a boy to be by the people's 
choice the ambassador of a sovereign 
state in the National Senate. He 
doesn't think ha is a genius, but he is 
the choice of a great, and I believe the 
dominant party in the country, to 
represent to all the world the best that 
there is in the greatest nation that the 
sun shines on and as we contemplate 
the work and the result of the work of 
some men in public station who in some 
lines are concededly geniuses, we are 
thankful that our candidate, in his 
own mind, at least, is not a genius. 

I take it that on account of the per- 
sonal element necessarily present in a 
gathering of this kind, I have been 
asked to appear as one who may know 
something of the earlier days and the 
formative period of the life of the man 
whom Massachusetts and indeed all of 
our people delight to honor. I have 
been interested and somewhat surprised 
at the work of some of his biographers. 
I wasn't in college with Calvin Cool- 
idge — he is too young for that — but I 
have been so closely associated with 
our common Alma Mater, that I know 
all about him and in common with 



8 



maii) r of the alumni of the little college 
nestling among the hills of Massachu- 
setts, rejoice in honoring him. I have 
seen recently the apparent effort made 
in certain quarters to represent him in 
his college days as something other 
than a normal American boy. Even the 
keen-eyed members of the faculty, who 
knew everything there was to know, 
didn't discern in this quiet, undemon- 
strative, good-mannered country boy, 
the future president of the United 
States. At least if they did, they 
didn't say so until last year. He wasn't 
the saint that some of his biographers 
represent. He wasn't the prodigy that 
others claim, and he wasn't the owl-like 
prig which some of his over zealous 
supporters would have the reading 
public believe. Slowly, steadily, quiet- 
ly, gradually, surely, like the great 
men who have gone before him, with 
the splendid equipment of inherited 
health and vigor and intellect and in- 
tegrity, he has risen because he has 
deserved to rise. 

There never was a more spontaneous 
and to a degree unexpected event in 
any great convention than was his 
nomination in Chicago. Although 
other plans appealed to so-called con- 
vention leaders, the people of the na- 
tion spoke through the lips of a thou- 
sand delegates and he was nominated 
because he was the honest choice. 

It is difficult now to measure the 
influence of comparatively recent evolu- 
tions or manifestations upon the charac- 
ter and disposition of the masses of our 
people. The Great World War has 
unbalanced every phase of life,— lias 
changed habits, — has shifted bound- 
aries and possessions, has altered al- 
legiance and has shaken beliefs. How- 
ever, one of the direct and obtrusive 
consequences of the World War has 



been the creation of a plethora of 
wealth, as that term is used in its 
colloquial significance. The facility 
with which the new wealth has been 
created and acquired, and the sudden- 
ness with which many have been over- 
whelmed by it, have begotten an ex- 
travagance and recklessness that has 
almost run riot. Sudden wealth in un- 
accustomed hands is not always a bless- 
ing to the possessor or to the world. 
In the minds of some it has almost 
seemed that the belief exists that 
money can buy anything. Social as- 
pirations may or may not have been 
satisfied through the newly acquired 
means, — that phase is not of vital im- 
portance any way. Human ambition 
or avarice are not usually thus satiated. 
"Power" has ever had an alluring at- 
traction to men, and with it there was 
the lurking danger of human weakness- 
in that the possession of power begets 
a desire for more. And the pow- 
er sometimes exercised in this country 
even in public or political matters, is 
not the power of knowledge, or experi- 
ence or ability, but the power of money. 

In the nomination of Calvin Cool- 
idge we see the triumph of the right 
kind of power, with its moral influence, 
its force of intelligence, its capacity 
of leadership over sinister aspirations 
for sordid ends. 

Those- of us who imbibed the spirit 
of the New England college rejoice 
that Calvin Coolidge has become a 
leader in this kind of struggle. 

In his mental and moral equipment, — 
in his character and habits. — in his 
career and achievements, and in his 
espousals, he exemplifies the fundamen- 
tals, ideals .and traditions of the New 
England in which he was horn, which 
he has served SO nobly, and which has 
so singularly honored him. 



ADDRESS BY MRS. ALEXANDRA CARLISLE PFEIFFER 

Of Lexington, Mass. 



There are a thousand reasons why 
women should belong to the grand old 
party but for my part I can think of 
only one tonight. The Republican party 
can boast of the most practical, whole- 
hearted, honest American patriot, Gov- 
ernor Calvin Coolidge. 

I, like millions of other women, am 
faced with new responsibilities, a new 
world, practical politics. What must 
be our attitude— that there may be only 
added strength and not conflicting con- 
fusion — that women may still be as 
feminine as our great grandmothers and 
yet give the benefit of the progression 
that the years have given them — that 
homes and children shall benefit and not 
suffer? 

We must bring a spirit of construc- 
tion, not of destruction, of co-operation, 
not opposition. 

A woman's primal instinct is matern- 
al and she must mother her country. 

Our country is one big family. It 
has been man-handled, fathered and 
bossed, until it needs the gentler but 
firm voice of all the mothers in the 
United States to stop the family quar- 
rel. 

Women have been politicians since 
the world began. 

It was a woman who made the first 
stars and stripes of America, and wo- 
men have served it faithfully and untir- 
ingly. They have given their sons to 
fight for it with a hallowed spirit of 
sacrifice. In choosing the head of their 



big household they will seek for the 
fearless but safe man who in peaceful 
days has "Modest stillness and civility," 
but in threatened trouble, be it in the 
family or with the neighbors, has a 
mailed fist and not a palsied arm to 
deal with the offender. 

They must realize as men must re- 
alize, that the government of this coun- 
try is a reflection of what we as in- 
dividuals put into it. We must cease 
putting in the minimum amount of in- 
terest and service and expecting the 
maximum amount of profit and comfort- 
able living. 

I believe it is in the homes that poli- 
tics are going to be decided in the fu- 
ture. 

Children will learn them at their 
mother's knee — the place where we first 
learn to love our country. What better 
place could we find to learn how to 
govern it ? At last the education of our 
future citizens is falling into the right 
hands, the mothers of America, and 
these future citizens will benefit by wo- 
men's advancement. 

On this basis, I have only the highest 
hopes from women entering into 
politics. 

The Republican Party need have no 
fears as long as it has the association 
of men like Governor Coolidge. He is 
known in every home throughout the 
country. He is normal in his progres- 
siveness. He is not a fanatic. He be- 
lieves in building solid foundations be- 
fore propping up the chimney to see if 



10 



the smoke will come through. He is 
the man we have been looking for. 

And one man in a thousand Solomon says, 

Will stick more close than a brother. 

So it is worth while seeking him all your days 

If you find him before the other. 

Nine hundred and ninety-nine depend 

On what the world sees in you 

But the thousandth man will stand your friend 

With the whole round world agin you. 

Tis not the promise of prayer or praise 
Will settle the finding for 'ee; 
Xine hundred and ninety-nine of them go 
By your looks, your acts, or your glory; 
But if you find him and he finds you 
The rest of the world don't matter, 
For the thousandth man will sink or swim 
With vmi in any water. 



You can use his purse with no more thought 
Than he uses yours for his spendings; 
You can laugh and meet in your daily walks 
With never a thought of your lendings. 
Nine hundred and ninety-nine of them call 
For silver and gold in their dealings 
But the thousandth man is worth them all 
Because you can show him your feelings; 

His right. — your right — his wrong, — your wrong 

In season and out of season. 

So stand up and back him with all your might 

With that for your only reason. 

Nine hundred and ninety-nine can't stand 

The mocking, the shame, the laughter, 

But the thousandth man will stand by your 

side 
Till the gallows fall— and after. 

Ladies and gentlemen, the Republi- 
can Party's thousandth man — Governor 
Calvin Coolidge. 



President Ellis : 

I presume you have all read, and re-read, and I hope you have read again 
tonight, that splendid prayer of Dr. Holland's printed on the last page of the 
menu — "God Give Us Men." I present to you now one answer to that prayer — 
Governor Coolidge. 



ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY CALVIN COOLIDGE 

Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 



Mr. President, Felloxc Members and 
Guests of the Republican Club of 
Massachusetts: 

So many reasons have just been 
brought to my attention why I should 
feel grateful that I can only mention 
a few of them. 

I am grateful to my friends of the 
Massachusetts Delegation at Chicago 
because at my request they refrained 
from presenting my name for nomina- 
tion to the office which came to me. I 
would not be understood by that as 
being any the less grateful to Judge 
McCamant. He \\a^ doing lb.- best be 
knew. Alter hearing his story of Mr. 



Webster 1 feel it was fortunate that 1 
did not attend the convention and after 
becoming so deeply impressed with 
tlie ability and judicial temperament of 
the Judge I am coming more and more 
to doubt whether be made any mistake. 
But whatever may result from Ms ac- 
tion there F am deeply and sincerely 
grateful for bis presence here. lie 
speaks our language and be thinks 
our thoughts. In him Massachusetts 
and ( Oregon are one. 

My gratitude to Mrs. Pfeiffer is 

slightly tinged with envy. The reports 
from the Convention indicate to me 
that when the opportunity re -urn d »■> 



11 



second my nomination under Judge 
McCainant delegates sprang up all over 
the hall to make that efl'ort because 
Mrs. Pfeiffer had made seconding my 
nomination so popular. 

To this veteran of the work of gov- 
erning a State, Judge Whitman, I am 
also grateful, especially for his under- 
taking to continue my college educa- 
tion. 

This is a Republican Club. Being 
that, it puts above partisanship, patriot- 
ism, and above love of office, love of 
country. But it is composed of men 
who believe profoundly in Republican 
principles, and so believing have or- 
ganized this club that those principles 
might be the more worthily adminis- 
tered by worthy men. It stands not 
only for the best party, but for the 
best in that party, and the fixed de- 
termination to cause these to be,, and 
remain the best. It is not confined 
to the trade of electing candidates, 
but by holding up high ideals, by sound 
platforms and by wise nominations, it 
has chosen to administer over to the 
domain of the public welfare. To work 
with this club is a mark of high citi- 
zenship. To be honored by it is a dis- 
tinction not surpassed by any other 
private honors to be bestowed by my 
fellow citizens. 

You have a right, nay, you owe to 
yourselves the duty to glory in the 
names and achievements of your party. 
History is given to us for enlighten- 
ment and inspiration. There lie the 
landmarks which mark the direction of 
true progress. We must look to the 
past for guidance, but to ourselves for 
success. Those who will not look back- 
ward cannot move forward. To despise 
the past is to destroy the future. We 
make no apology for the affection in 



which we hold the great names of those 
who have established and supported 
the principles which our party main- 
tains from Washington to Roosevelt, 
whether they be statesman like Lincoln 
or soldier like Grant, or for the rever- 
ence with which we contemplate the 
ancient institutions of our country, the 
declaration of all her liberties, her con- 
stitution and her laws. They are not 
safe counsellors of the people, or 
worthy to be entrusted with great pow- 
er, who lack a due appreciation of the 
great men and great principles which 
have made this nation. It is not in a 
desire for constant change, but satis- 
faction in the contemplation of estab- 
lished truth, as well as unyielding 
effort for improvement, that character 
in men and parties is revealed. To 
destroy faith in what men have done 
is to destroy faith in men. The Re- 
publican Party believes in men because 
it has seen their good works, and in 
that faith, disregarding selfishness, 
relying on duty, it will continue. 

But you are more than a Republican 
Club, you are the Republican Club of 
Massachusetts. For Massachusetts is 
a word that modifies not by decreasing 
but by increasing. It is not an area. 
It is an idea. It is not sectional. It 
belongs to the nation. Its meaning has 
not lacked recognition and adoption 
throughout the earth. It is as universal 
in its application as truth. 

No one can think of Massachusetts 
politically, without quickly coming to 
fundamental principles and glorious 
history. The Great Admiral Columbus 
gave to civilization half a world of sea 
and land, but sea and land was all. He 
sought for the riches of the East. He 
found the riches of the West. He 
proved the earth a globe. He gave to 



12 



man more territory, more power, but 
no new idea, no new estate, no price- 
less heritage, no inalienable right. 

These achievements were reserved 
for the Pilgrims of the Mayflower. 
They came not for riches but for the 
aspirations of the soul. When they 
landed at Plymouth they brought in 
embryo, unconsciously, but none the 
less effectively, whole commonwealths, 
and whole nations, and the institutions 
which since have flourished and encom- 
passed the earth. 

In the Mayflower Compact, dated 
November 11, 1620, old style, a day 
rededicated to human rights by the 
great nations of the earth as Armistice 
Day in 1918, there was not only 
adopted a written Constitution, the 
first of modern times, but there was 
therein set out in practice the doctrine 
of equality and the consent of the 
governed, which later made the Dec- 
laration of Independence immortal, 
and the recognition by solemn coven- 
ant of the duty of obedience to law. 
When Massachusetts was founded it 
was as a miniature modern democratic 
state. The results which have flowed 
from that conception are known to all 
men. In power and in achievement no 
other conception of government com- 
pares with it. It stands alone. It lias 
no comparison. From the ends of the 
earth men have turned to that princi- 
ple, when they have sought relief, 
from tyranny and despot ism. in self 
government, and in tlie reign of liberty 
guaranteed by constitution and law. 

AH this was not achieved, perhaps 
not fully understood bv tin- men of 
this Commonwealth in 1920. It lias 
been the result of development wroughl 
by much sacrifice and the end is not 
yet. It means something to be a 



Massachusetts Republican Club. There 
is a background of traditions and 
principles which have changed the 
course of history and given a new and 
more glorious meaning to human exist- 
ence. There is enough and to spare 
in her beginnings to indicate this with- 
out need of amplifying it by reciting 
the course of her history. 

There are two great methods of test- 
ing all truth. One is to see if it 
squares with reason. Does it satisfy 
the conscience? The other is to prove 
it b} r trial. We look more particularly 
to the latter for political wisdom. To 
apply the test of reason it must be cer- 
tain that all facts are known. This 
is nearly impossible in political life. 
Here by necessity we do and must 
rely to a large extent on experience. 
But tested by both reason and experi- 
ence, as a principle and as a record 
the institutions laid down and devel- 
oped from the Massachusetts beginning 
have brought to mankind a higher 
state of civilization, a material and a 
spiritual welfare that can scarcely be 
accounted for save as the unfolding of 
a great destiny. Is it not well then to 
study these results, to ponder their 
meaning, to observe whither they point. 
to remember the certainty of achieve- 
ment which they promise, before they 
are discarded for experiments, which 
have nothing to commend them as in- 
struments of government and of civili- 
zation, save only the ruin they had 
wrought? What then arc some of the 
teachings that (low from this greatest 
of human achievements which we call 
America as we trace its advance from 
Plymouth Rock? 

Our hand is inhabited by Pilgrims 

and their sons. Some came here three 
hundred years agOj some came yester- 



13 



day. What lias been the first charac- 
teristic of their success? There is but 
one answer to this, the determination 
to live according to their times under 
liberty with constitutional guarantees, 
freedom, order and law. 

What then should be the course of 
the Pilgrims of today ? Let them abide 
by the law. Let them by means of cit- 
izenship, subscribe to that larger com- 
pact, the Constitution of the nation, 
that they may find under it protection, 
and render to it and the laws made in 
accordance with it, a strict obedience, 
that they may no longer be alien, but 
come to a realization that the law is 
their law speaking with their voice. 

But why support the Constitution? 
There is the same answer, reason and 
experience. Because it provides for an 
executive whose duty it is to enforce 
the laws. Because it establishes rep- 
resentative government, a form under 
which, so long as it is faithfully main- 
tained, liberty has never failed in all 
history. Because it provides for an 
indejjendent j udiciary, as impartial as 
can be administered by finio beings, 
where the rights of citizens are de- 
termined without favor, and without 
fear, solely on their merits. To the 
glory of the Republican Party it has 
defended representative government, 
because it loves freedom, and it has 
defended the integrity of the courts 
because it loves justice. 

I know of no time when it has been 
necessary to defend the office of the 
executive against usurpers. Certainly 
that service is not now required of our 
party. But it is desirable to restore 
our government to a more even balance. 
Representative government ceases to 
represent when its decisions reflect any 
opinion but its own, or result from any 



influence, high or low, under whatever 
guise or name, whether of property or 
men, save a desire to promote the pub- 
lic welfare, in accordance with a de- 
cision arrived at by considering all the 
evidence. It is not enough that we 
have Representatives and Senators in 
name, they must be so in fact, and 
known to be so of all men. There is 
need of a strong executive. I can see 
no danger that the people are ever 
likely to choose a weak one. But there 
is need of a correspondingly strong 
Congress. And the greatest need of all 
is that each should co-operate with the 
other, functioning according to the 
Constitution, by each performing the 
duties assigned by the law. That is 
constitutional government. For it a 
free people can accept no substitute. 
To its establishment and maintenance 
the Republican Party stands pledged. 

The first thought of the founders was 
to put their own house in order. They 
had cut loose from all that bound them 
to any other people. It is well to re- 
member that. We are Americans. 
Whatever we accomplish must be as 
Americans. The instrument of that ac- 
complishment must be America. It is 
the part then not only of wisdom, but 
the course of absolute necessity, that 
this nation build up in every way its 
internal strength. If that fails there 
is no hope, for there is no substitute. 

The first American enterprise for 
public betterment, on the civil side, 
was the schoolhouse. Education lies 
at the beginning of all hope of ad- 
vancement. We are too prone to take 
for granted that all our citizens, be- 
cause of the public school, are educat- 
ed. Such is far from the case. Mil- 
lions are not only uneducated but are 
illiterate. There is no vaster problem 



14 



of social improvement than the funda- 
mental question of education. We 
have our public schools and state uni- 
versities, committees, boards and com- 
missions but the needs of education 
not only have not been met, they have 
not yet been adequately stated. The 
requirements are simply stupendous. 
We have only made a beginning. There 
is a larger need for education than 
ever before and out of our abounding 
resources that need must be met. 

We need a broader education, not 
merely of the understanding, but of 
the sympathies and the sentiments. It 
is idle to give power with no disposi- 
tion for its correct use. When the 
problem of education is properly 
solved most social problems will vanish. 
Our party must continue dedicated to 
a full enlightenment of the people. 

We shall search the records in vain 
for much evidence of parties. But we 
of necessity live under a party form 
of government. It may not have been 
tin ideal of Washington and the Fa- 
thers who described parties as factions 
and warned against their excessive ac- 
tivities in public affairs. But there 
are no other methods by which 
puhlic affairs could now be ac- 
complished. But there is a broad 
distinction between party organ- 
ization and bigoted partisanship. 
One is an appeal to the people, the 
other is an appeal to a class generally 
described as professional politicians. 

The result obtained is the same, 
whether the motive he tin- maintenance 
of a political ring, or the satisfying of 
narrow personal animosities. This re- 
sult is the spirit of faction feared by 
Washington. Parties represent the 
people, not the individual. Their obli 

nation is to the people. Tile people 



expect their offices administered in a 
broad and tolerant spirit for their wel- 
fare, and they have a right to expect 
from office holders of different parties 
such co-operation as will make this pos- 
sible. The people send their office 
holders to conduct the public business, 
not to spend their time in personal 
hiekerings. Unless such conduct can 
be secured the fears of Washington of 
the destruction of our institutions, 
through failure from factional bitter- 
ness to function, will be realized. I 
want to see the Republican Party re- 
main, so officered and so conducted, 
that it will be free from every such im- 
putation. I shall continue to believe 
this condition exists, until our oppon- 
ents are able to answer our arguments 
rather than assail our motives. 

A gigantic task lies before us. I 
have confidence that it will be per- 
formed because I have seen the lead- 
ers of our party disregard personal 
preferences, for the public good, by 
making mutual concessions to honest 
opinions, patriotically held, to secure 
agreement to a sound platform and the 
choice of a wise leader. Agreement 
among ourselves is a prerequisite to 
agreement with others, where such 
agreement may he necessary lor the 
nation's welfare. 

No one was denied a seat in the 
Republican Convention because he had 
voted on questions, according to his 
conscience, under his oath of office. 
There the leading forces were able to 
reach an agreement. When we com 

pare this result, with tin action of the 

directing power of the Democratic 

Convention toward Senator Heed, we 

gel the most indisputable evidence as 

to who has been willing to compose 
differences and who has not. No one 



15 



has yet accused the United States Sen- 
ate of ejecting Senator Reed from the 
San Francisco convention. 

I believe in Warren G. Harding. He 
is too much engaged in doing good to 
his fellow countrymen to find time to 
abuse any of them, too intent on solv- 
ing his country's problems to pay any 
attention to the abuse of others. Public 
information is bound to increase for 
him public approval. Honoring and 
respecting his fellow countrymen he is 
bound to grow in their honor and re- 
spect. A sound man tried in the fire 
of public service, unwarped, and un- 
afraid. What the nation needs in an 
executive, it can rely on him to provide. 

Our country must reconstruct itself. 
The prodigal wastefulness, in private 
life and public administration, must 
either cease or there will be danger 
of a severe economic reaction. We must 
have less of government interference 
in business and more reliance of the 
people on themselves. Our great war 
debts must be met, but by a system of 
taxation that rests evenly on the broad 
shoulders of the great public. Inequal- 
ities of taxation, laid to make the pub- 
lic think some one else was paying the 
bill, have not been a success, for the 
public still pays, but in a way that 
increases discontent and the cost of 
living. Let us be honest with the pub- 
lic. All a might}^ undertaking but 
not impossible for a great people under 
wise leadership. 

The times are troubled. People are 
in a ferment. Unrest prevails at home. 
Discord is too prevalent abroad. No 
man and no party ought to be rash 
enough to promise the performance of 
plans for long in advance. It is a 
time when all must feel their way from 
day to day. But this is no excuse for 



failure to do our best. In fact it is 
the uncertainty, whether men will 
continue to do their best, that raises 
doubts as to the future, in the public 
estimation. There will be doubt, there 
will be hesitation, there may be local 
disorders, but the heart of America is 
sound. Her people as a whole under- 
stand and believe in her institutions, 
because they are their own, with a faith 
and a loyalty never surpassed by the 
people of any other country. They 
would not need to be urged to defend 
their birthright, they are looking for the 
chance. 

There is one other lesson that has 
come down to us, the most important 
of all. While there ought to be no 
limit to the duty of obedience to law, 
there is a very distinct limit as to what 
can be accomplished by law, and the 
agency of the government. The finer 
things of life are given voluntarily by 
the individual or they are not given 
at all. The law can impress the body 
but the mind is beyond control. Dis- 
cipline, faithfulness, courage, charity, 
industry, character and the moral 
power of the nation, are not created 
by government. These virtues the peo- 
ple must provide for themselves. Neith- 
er public ownership, nor any other 
socialistic device, can be a substitute 
for them. The glory of the Republican 
Party has been the wisdom with which 
it has recognized alike, the powers and 
the limitations, which reside in gov- 
ernment action. In the possession of 
that wisdom it still continues. 

You know the source of these virtues 
and you know their power. On them 
depends the decision in all elections, 
wherever elections result in decisions 
and not in accidents. The decision in 
this election will turn, not on an at- 



16 



titude toward world politics, but on 
the attitude toward the home. The 
wives and mothers of the land, directly 
or indirectly, are going to exert a 
mighty influence on the result of this 
campaign. They wait to learn to what 
policies and what men they can most 
confidently entrust the welfare and the 
protection of the home. They believe 
in patriotism and common sense. They 



are American through and through, but 
there is a sympathy there as broad as 
humanity, which nourishes the mission- 
ary spirit. Ultimately they will make 
their choice, and they will make it ac- 
cording to the Republican standard, not 
in response to the inquiry "Will it 
pay?" but in response to that other in- 
quiry . which searches the soul of the 
universe. "Is it right?" 



17 



GOD GIVE US MEN! 

{by Dr. J. G. Holland) 



God give us men ! A time like this demands 

Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and ready hands ; 

Men whom the lust of office does not kill; 

Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy; 

Men who possess opinions and a will; 

Men who have honor, men who will not lie; 

Men who can stand before a demagogue 

And damn his treacherous flatteries without winking; 

Tall men ; sun-crowned, who live above the fog, 

In public duty and in private thinking. 

For, while the rabble with their thumb-worn creeds, 
Their large professions and their little deeds, 
Mingle in selfish strife, Lo ! Freedom weeps, 
Wrong rules the Land! And justiee sleeps. 



18 

516 










>K 












"**.^ 






^ 




r - s * * 6 I.. °* 







W 



* av vv. . 








.* 




hfr.\ J* y 




-. ^o« 







^o^ 



' ,^ 



>♦ 




r oK 



...» .0' 

V . » • 




* ^ 








* v >:* 













